.
A worker's house in Aguirre
The second half of PR3 Aguirre is called “las islas”, the islands, in reference to the
Puerto Rican archipelago, because as most island nations in the Caribbean,
Puerto Rico is not a single island. The
company town left a trail of documents that are mainly stored at the Archive of
the School of Architecture of the University of Puerto Rico: photographs,
blueprints, letters, reports, maps. The
company town of Aguirre was built as a self-sufficient enclave segregated both
from its surroundings and segregated within. The housing sectors were rigidly
segregated by race and function in the sugar planting harvesting, and manufacturing
process. The large cottages with their separate little houses for servants were reserved for American managers; an intermediate sector with elegant houses and dwellings
for servants was reserved for the Puerto Rican middle management; a third sector
of small cottages built along a rectilinear grid was destined for skilled
workers. Single men laborers were housed in barracones, or large collective
bunkhouses.
Most workers, specially day laborers, did
not live within the closed company town, but in the surrounding barrios. The
localities of Jobos and El Coquí are older than the company town, and have a
rich cultural presence as locations of vibrant communities. But memory, as
opposed to written history, relies on word of mouth legacies. Fortunately research
into their significance is being undertaken both in Puerto Rico and by scholars
from the Puerto Rican diaspora and from other nationalities. A good part from
that research is associated with musical expression.
Aguirre company town, map of segregated sectors, c. 1930s
I will describe my own tentative and
fragile search for a sense of place related to persons who grew under the
influence of the company town, A main question was: how is it that a space
associated with segregation and exploitation generates a sense of belonging, a
sense of place? The question is not easily answered. It poses a dilemma that
goes to the relationship between sense of place and identities, in an island
that has been perpetually a colony, where the modes of resistance have ranged
from direct confrontation to the struggle for everyday survival and ways of
challenging, transforming and interpreting traditions. Another important factor
is the early appearance of the local intermediary, a man born in the island who
assumed managerial and repressive functions while representing the interests of
the white American owners and protecting them from direct, everyday contacts
with the miserable populace.
Going back to a sense of place, and to
embodied archives, evidently the form of memories is related to popular
artistic expression and invention. El Coquí, a community of workers, has been
the home of artists and social activists. The story of their militant struggles
dates back to the 1970s, when they succeeded in removing plans to construct a
nuclear power plant, denounced the local petrochemical industry, and more
recently, are involved in the fight against Monsanto, a company that controls
fertile lands to create their seeds and is subsidized by the government. Most
important is the struggle against the deposit of toxic ashes by a private power
production company: Applied Energy Services. In Aguirre itself, a community
based organization is planning to organize a housing trust to develop and
preserve the sector. We interviewed doña
Rosita Ramos, who is known as the local historian, and whose house was badly
damaged by the storm.
Another thriving field is the study of the
many expressions of the bomba. In the last decade, “escuelas de bomba” have
formed. They are popular initiatives for the study and transmission of
traditions. In Guayama, a group of bomba
musicians, dancers and singers called Umoja (a Swahili word for unity) have
undertaken a study of musical traditions and popular artists. Members of Umoja
have conducted a series of interviews with older persons in Jobos and its
surroundings. These persons spoke about the memories of their ancestors.
Another researcher who does field work and
presentations both in the island and in the States is Melanie Maldonado Díaz. I
attended several of her conferences. The one mentioned in PR3 Aguirre centered on the tradition of women bomberas. They are dancers
and singers who were celebrated in the island and in diasporic communities; matriarchs
who kept a memory and created memories, women artists who decorated their
dancing clothes, were singers, and claimed a dominant role in the dancing
ritual.
The bomba is a cultural archive of sorts an
obscure book of notes in short hand, that researchers seek to decipher. It has also been the subject of academic works
by scholars such as Emanuel Dufrasne, Angel Quintero, and recently the composer
Javier Peña Aguayo.
The living archive is proof of the strength
and continuous evolution of this musical form. Information needs to be compiled,
collected and made available as part of a larger archive on Puerto Rican Afro
descendant culture. A culture that is not fully recognized in its richness and
span, which transcends both narrow ethnic enclaves and the efforts directed at
making it invisible. This knowledge should form part of a wider network of
archives, but material objects should stay close to the sites where they were
created. An emerging project is the Casa Comunitaria de Medios, a community-based initiative in Aguirre.
My work is only a stitch in a large carpet
of collective, scattered efforts. It would seem that the fitting together of
diverse fragments of a recovered and refurbished cultural history is almost
inevitable in these times when the very fragmentation of information and its
wide ranging dispersion leads to inevitable connections. I intend to follow
another trail in a next volume of PR 3,
extending to the neighboring Caribbean islands, close to the Eastern Coast of
Puerto Rico. Islands that served as a refuge for political revolutionaries, such
as the Haitian Antenor Firmin and the Puerto Rican Ramón Emeterio Betances, who
collaborated to develop the concept of a
Confederación Antillana or Caribbean Federation comprising Cuba, Haiti, Santo
Domingo and Puerto Rico while exiled in St. Thomas. Stepping stones for
migrants from more remote islands, into the cane fields and in the economies of
towns and cities, where they settled and formed families. Islands with ancient ties
to the islands of Vieques and Culebra, islands such as St. Croix and Tortola and
St. Kitts, and Anguilla.
In short it will be a book locating Puerto
Rico in the Caribbean as PR 3 Aguirre
sought to establish the Bostonian connections. By the way, writing the
Bostonian connection was not a case of appropriating or daring to represent the
voice of the victim, but rather the opposite. The driving force was based on
the impossibility of being fairly imagined by the imperial gaze and the fact
that we, the colonial subjects, are capable of seeing them. We are not
invisible, mind you. We are, rather, like a misplaced book in an unknown
language. We can be seen but not read, we are unreadable, and somehow impure
and obscene. But we rely on our curiosity and our right to engage in more than
one language. In any case, the new book should be a modest example of a tireless
collective curiosity. An archipelago of letters, emerging where material
islands are losing terrain. A lettered and remembered and tense and living
Caribbean.
As a footnote let me add that I have also been
thinking about a vast collective project:
a literary Atlas containing stories and chronicles proceeding from each
one of the 78 island municipalities, written by residents or exiles, but in any
case by persons closely linked to specific places. The Atlas of Puerto Rican
places should be visible and forceful. The
work of a people who are not victims to be pitied or scorned.