View from la Casa Grande, Aguirre, c. 1916, Samuel Kirkland Lothrop collection, Harvard University
PR
3 Aguirre has
two main sections: Boston and The islands. The first one is a sketch of the
foundational core of a city. The second alludes to the dispersion and recovery of collective memories in a colonial setting. The two sections
are two different archives. The book joins two different archives. Let´s look
at the meaning and function of archives.
The purpose of binding a multiple memory relates to
modern archives. By preserving not only the exploits of the ruling classes but also
the records of social transactions, modern archives sustain political power and
the identity of a community.
The importance of the archive in the construction
of a national
or regional consciousness is quite evident
in the Puerto Rican 19th century.
In 1876, three years after
the abolition of slavery, the Ateneo Puertorriqueño,
(the Puerto Rican Athenaeum)
was founded.
Its first president, Manuel Elzaburu, was very aware
of the role of
scholarly work in the construction of archives,
as the basis of:
“an embryonic memory… with which to lay
the foundations
of the future literary
history of the country, the basis for the solid
construction of our provincial history”.
(“una memoria embrionaria… con la cual echar
los cimientos de la futura historia
literaria del país, base para la sólida edificación
de nuestra historia provincial”.)
The Ateneo Puertorriqueño was mainly an
institution of members of the intermediary Puerto Rican professional class with
artistic and intellectual inclinations. The perspectives of the majority of the
population did not enter into the picture, except as pitiful, exploited, and
non educated victims, prone to illness and to vice. So the vision of the
working classes, peasants and ex slaves, with notable exceptions, did not
include their subjective and active occupation of the public intellectual
space. Instead, they were meant to be
impacted, redeemed and transformed by a civilizing culture.
Ateneo Puertorriqueño
There is, of course, always, a force that defies
such blindness. In this case, it sparked a resistance that still has global
repercussions. A black man born in
Puerto Rico in 1874, attended a school called Instituto Libre de Enseñanza
Popular, which had been established in 1888 for working class pupils. The young
man expressed a desire to know the history of blacks. His professor told him
that black people did not have any history or culture. The insult was so painful
that it ignited a vocation. The young man emigrated in the 1890s to New York
City and while holding the most menial jobs, began to research and collect
documents and artifacts about black history and culture, an archive that in
time grew to include "over 5,000 volume[s], 3,000 manuscripts, 2,000 etchings
and portraits and several thousand pamphlets". The core
of his collection was the basis for a research center named in his honor, the
Arthur Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture.
Arturo Alfonso Schomburg
The history of the island society is a
prolonged tale of colonialism, since Columbus wrote the fiction of discovery and
redemption to justify the right of conquest.
Later, against the growing threat of the American frontier wars and
penetration of Mexico and Central America, the concepts of “latinidad” and “la
raza” became forms of cultural resistance. These concepts where then more
related to cultural and national identities built to resist American
expansionism.
The right of conquest holds together the
present fabric of colonial control, as it did following the Hispanic, American,
Cuban, Puerto Rican and Philippines war of 1898. The conquering army and the American
ruling elites had a clear sense of their need for a global economic and
military presence. They were globalists.
PR
3 Aguirre proposes that physical geography is only one dimension,
a complex one to be sure, in a conceptual network of interconnected variables as
important in the formation of a locality as its climate, soil, geology and
zoology. Even the most isolated of communities relates and is affected by things
happening in remote parts of the Planet or by events that happened long ago and
far away. In the book I explained it thus: It is possible to tear the local map
of the road out of its context and make it part of a set of transparencies, including a park in Boston, or
an image of Tierra del Fuego, or of the Central American Pacific coast. All
these places have to do with lives that passed through a section of the PR 3
road, between Guayama and Pedro Albizu Campos Avenue, in Salinas; But that is
not known by its lonely inhabitants.
Eventually, the second part of the book came to engage two locations along the road. The sector known as Aguirre and its
surroundings, and the communities known as Jobos and El Coquí. Aguirre was a sugar
cane plantation since at least the boom of the plantation economy in the 19th
century. Jobos and El Coquí have been
settled by descendants of African slaves and non slaves.
Baile de bomba, Grupo Umoja,
Under American rule, the sector known as Aguirre
was purchased by a syndicate of four men associated with the city of Boston. To
me Boston is a lettered city, “una ciudad letrada, una ciudad de letras”,
related to the classics of New England literature. Two of the four capitalists
were descendant of Boston blue bloods. The others were also members of a New
England upper class. The internet is loaded with materials about their families
and their deeds: biographies, family histories, manuscripts, travel journals,
university year books, paintings, collections of memorabilia. I traveled to
Boston and visited the Boston Athenaeum, a showcase of the intimate connection
between literary culture, history, and economic power. Its founders were adventurers,
businessmen, pirates, slave owners and merchants, collectors and patrons of the
arts. One of the four Bostonians actually owned a famous painting by William Turner:
Slave Ship, a depiction of the massacre of the Zong. The killing of
enslaved persons to turn a profit has been the subject of literary works such
as the epic poem Zong, by Marlene
Nourbese Phillips. Hooper Lothrop, the owner, sold it to the Boston Museum of
Fine Arts and probably invested part of the revenues in the establishment of
the company town of Aguirre, an enterprise that relied on a new form of labor
exploitation.
Slave Shio, by Turner
In Boston, a network of archives
documenting what one of their chroniclers called the “proper bostonians” was
created and sealed by the first years of the twentieth century. Only recently
have activists begun to crack the codes, such as those who have denounced the
relationship between Harvard University and the slave economy. In all fairness
it should be said that Boston was also a city of abolitionists and feminists,
utopian thinkers and even anti-imperialist organizations.
There are references in my book to social
and economic activities related specifically to the place of women in both
social systems: that of the Bostonians and the complex local society. A case in
point was the art of needlework, practiced by Puerto Rican women across social
and color lines, and its commercialization under the guise of a philanthropic
enterprise by Bostonian upper class women. In considering the relative agency
of women in such unequal circumstances, the world of magic and dance are
alluded to as sources of a mysterious balance of powers.
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